This is due to two main factors. The first is the electoral disenfranchisement as a structural feature of the US political system; the second is the disproportionate influence that the economic elite and organized groups representing business interests have on US politics, as compared to the influence of the average voter. But besides this obvious contingent consideration, there are further structural factors that indicate that the American political system suffers from a deficit of democracy and that this deficit of democracy has been key in getting Trump elected.
State noncompliance is clearly connected to both racial and class structures. The third mechanism is silent vote suppression through logistics: from cuts to early voting, purges of voter rolls, early closing of polling centers, and long lines to uncounted ballots due to various factors such as the malfunctioning of the machines that read the ballots.
In the final part of this paper, I would like to address the second major flaw of US liberal democracy. In Democracy against Capitalism, Meiksins Wood has eloquently argued that the universal extension of formal politi- cal participation in liberal democracies was possible because of the distin- ctively capitalist separation of the economic and the political, which has significantly limited the capacity of the political to govern the economic.
This would also represent a decisive difference between libe- ral democracies and Athenian direct democracy, insofar as through their democratic form of regime, Athenian small peasants and property-less citizens were able to significantly lower the amount of surplus extracted from them by the propertied aristocracy. US liberal democracy suffers from the same limitations that Meiksins Wood ascribes to liberal democracies in general, but in a particularly acu- te form. In the United States, our findings indi- cate, the majority does not rule — at least not in the causal sense of actually determining policy outcomes.
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When a majority of citizens disagrees with economic elites or with organized interests, they generally lose. This deficit consists both of the systematic disenfranchisement of people of color, immigrants, and low-income voters and of the lack of participation by the majority of the population in the determination of key policies.
Voters appreciate his sincerity and that he reaches out to voters across the country. The Democratic Party could learn a lot from the way Sanders en- gages in politics. Under neoliberalism, liberal democracies have undergone a process of de-democratization, which has replaced the notion of acti- ve citizenship with those of utility, expertise, and competitiveness. This process of de-democratization raises the question of the democratization of both democracy and national borders based on active participation, mobilization, and political conflict.
While the use of this ideological trope by conservative thinkers and commentators who have no particular sympathy for demo- cracy is entirely obvious and can be expected, its adoption within a libe- ral discourse that purports to be a defense of democracy against itself is nothing but paradoxical.
Ober, C. Hedrick eds. II: Renverser le platonisme, Vrin, Paris, pp. OBER J. WOOD E. In this book, Sara Monoson challenges the longstanding and widely held view that Plato is a virulent opponent of all things democratic. She does not, however, offer in its place the equally mistaken idea that he is somehow a partisan of democracy. Instead, she argues that we should attend more closely to Plato's suggestion that democracy is horrifying and exciting, and she seeks to explain why he found it morally and politically intriguing.
Monoson focuses on Plato's engagement with democracy as he knew it: a cluster of cultural practices that reach into private and public life, as well as a set of governing institutions. She proposes that while Plato charts tensions between the claims of democratic legitimacy and philosophical truth, he also exhibits a striking attraction to four practices central to Athenian democratic politics: intense antityrantism, frank speaking, public funeral oratory, and theater-going.
By juxtaposing detailed examination of these aspects of Athenian democracy with analysis of the figurative language, dramatic structure, and arguments of the dialogues, she shows that Plato systematically links democratic ideals and activities to philosophic labor. Monoson finds that Plato's political thought exposes intimate connections between Athenian democratic politics and the practice of philosophy.
Situating Plato's political thought in the context of the Athenian democratic imaginary, Monoson develops a new, textured way of thinking of the relationship between Plato's thought and the politics of his city. Connor, W. Cooper, John M. Complete Works. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett. Crosby, A. W Throwing Fire: Projectile Technology through History.
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